The Big Idea
Panama | A Fitch downgrade
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There has been no public debate about Panama’s loss of its Fitch investment grade rating, and valuations look stretched compared to other ‘BB’ credits like Colombia. This suggests risk of underperformance not only from potential downgrade by other agencies but also from primary and secondary supply. Other rating agencies most likely will wait until after elections in the fourth quarter this year before reassessing the situation. This could provide some breathing room for the credit with the markets still focused on high carry. However, it’s hard to be optimistic.
There hasn’t been much fallout after the shock of the Fitch downgrade. The timing was somewhat opportune given strong market appetite for high yield credits. Valuations have fully recovered from the knee-jerk 20 bp in initial spread widening, with Panama ’36 spreads back to pre-downgrade levels on an absolute basis and also back to tights on a relative basis against the Colombia’37s. There has been no specific catalyst for this optimism. There has been no reaction across the political establishment or the social sectors in the aftermath of the loss of the investment grade ratings.
Imminent elections have left politicians reluctant to debate or commit to any controversial measures. However, its worrisome that weaker fiscal finances are not part of the broader discussion in any of the presidential debates (themes of corruption, decentralization, youth employment, social development, water, and sustainability).
The official response was to criticize Fitch for the timing of the downgrade without taking responsibility for the policy actions that led to the downgrade or the lack of any corrective measures to prevent further downgrades. Dollarization has left Panama complacent and local funding markets under-developed with almost all financing sourced abroad from Eurobonds. If there is limited fallout post-downgrade, then there is less motivation to adopt tough measures like tax reform or the re-opening of the mine. The mine re-opening has been rejected by all candidates.
The Fitch downgrade was a clear vote of no confidence citing the political obstacles of the economic growth slowdown, social pressures, political fragmentation, and low political capital of the next administration. It’s also worrisome that polls show an anti-establishment backlash with majority support for independent candidates that could further obstruct a coalition-building process. The hurdles are quite high for the next administration to not only raise awareness but also reach consensus to quickly reduce a structural fiscal deficit of 4% of GDP towards 2% of GDP necessary to stabilize debt ratio within the investment grade category.
Why would politicians reduce the fiscal deficit when they can finance the fiscal deficit? There is not much time to react with the litmus test on the 2025 budget. The next administration will have to quickly adopt credible tax reform for inclusion within the 2025 budget. If there is no fiscal pragmatism post-elections, then de-indexation is most threatening for their already low ‘Baa3’ rating (stable outlook) from Moody’s and the ‘BBB’ rating (negative outlook) from S&P. The 12-month review for both outlooks coincide in the fourth quarter of 2024 with a concentration for event risk on negative action. The typical process would suggest first a negative outlook from Moody’s with a rating downgrade maybe in the first half of 2025. This would suggest a de-indexation event maybe within 12 months under a scenario of policy inaction. This seems the most logical outcome.
The valuations do not yet fully capture these downgrade risks, especially on relative metrics to Colombia. The supply/demand risks are also arguably much worse on the chronic Eurobond issuance and divestment from crossover investment grade investors. This should warrant a higher “liquidity penalty” versus other liquid ‘BB’ credits. It’s not just the one-off $2 billion to $4 billion divestment from crossover investors but also the $4 billion in annual Eurobond issuance as the highest sovereign issuer within LatAm despite the medium-sized economy. The next administration may be forced to come back to Eurobond markets in the second half of 2024 if fiscal deficits near 4% of GDP. It’s also important to remember the unique concentration of liquidity risk with Eurobonds 75% of the debt stock that is increasingly vulnerable to any shocks on the lower ‘BB’ credit ratings. This makes it more difficult for rating agencies to not respond to policy inaction post elections. Inaction = downgrade. The long end may offer an ideal combination of low cash prices and still relatively high around 7% current yield but they also are vulnerable to the highest positioning risk from crossover investors. The increasingly liquidity premium should increase the market beta and demand a more proactive trading strategy. This suggests higher risk of underperformance into the inaction post-elections with a shift back to underweight for higher secondary risks and primary supply risks.
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